Despite the fact that Mali crisis will most likely have grave implications for the EU, very few European powers are currently ready to provide their military assistance to Bamako. At the moment, the European engagement in the region is limited to France with its 2,500 troops and the UK which deployed its forces to Mali after the hostage situation in southern Algeria last month. For now, it is enough troops to ensure stability and prevent a takeover of Mali by Islamist extremists; however, if the situation in Bamako deteriorates France and the UK would require emergency support from their confederates. Given its pre-eminent military power and strong political leadership within the EU, one of the first countries from which France and the UK would seek help would probably be Germany. The question of whether Germany will respond to such a cry for help remains open.
For now, Germany?s engagement in the region is limited to humanitarian aid and logistical support, such as the deployment of tow Transall cargo planes to Bamako. It is expected that these planes will be used to transport troops supplied by member states of the West African economic community ECOWAS to Mali. Ms Merkel also announced that Berlin is ready to provide personnel for post-conflict training mission in Mali. No more, no less. According to Mr Lawrence, the narrow limits that Ms Merkel set for the German mission in the region are hardly surprising and it is very unlikely that Berlin?s degree of involvement in the Mali crisis will change either in scope or in form.
In Mr Lawrence?s opinion, the reason behind such?reluctance? lies in Germany?s ?culture of military restraint? that has evolved after the WWII. Following the war West German politicians developed a strong set of reservations against the use of military force for any goal other than self-defense. It was feared that if Germany begins to play a bigger role in international affairs it would provoke its European neighbors? suspicions about rising German hegemony. Within this context, foreign military involvement for ?humanitarian purposes? has become a political taboo that was readily accepted by the German public which, by this time, has already developed a strong pacifist stance. Ever since, Germany has always remained on the sidelines of any interventionist campaign.
The end of the Cold War, a period of profound change in the international arena, provided Berlin with a chance to re-assert itself as leading European power. Germany readily used this chance in its economic and political affairs but never in its military endeavors. Illustratively, Berlin has been repeatedly absent from all European military efforts, most notable recent example being Germany?s firm disapproval of the NATO operation against Libyan Moammar Gadhafi in 2011. Interestingly, Mr Lawrence notes that even in the ongoing Syria crisis where Germany is extremely vocal in its condemnations of President Bashar Assad?s regime, Berlin still remains on the sidelines when it comes to active military involvement. In this sense, Germany remains faithful to its non-militarist practices even when it rhetorically approves of a military solution to conflict.
Following this line of thought, it can be argued that so far as Berlin does not face an imminent threat that would qualify as a supreme emergency, Germany will always prefer to abstain from any militarist undertakings abroad. While such posture of ?military restraint? is admirable, Mr Lawrence contends that one day it might play a low-down trick with Berlin. The expert argues that ?while Germany?s refusal to participate in any military efforts of its European partners might be beneficial for Berlin, it might actually pose a grave threat to its confederates. If Germany wants to remain a key European power, it has to learn to take on more responsibility in international politics. It cannot always hide behind its humble post-WWII mentality and repeatedly let down its allies in their campaigns abroad.?
In this respect, Mr Lawrence urges German leaders to move beyond logistical and humanitarian support in Mali and become directly involved in fighting. The academic admits that a lasting defeat of Islamist extremists and establishment of long-term stability in Bamako would require a demanding and tedious military campaign, but this might be Berlin?s only chance before its allies become disappointed in Germany as an unreliable confederate and a politically weak state. The leading European power cannot remain on the sidelines while France and the UK, its neighbors and fellow NATO partners struggle against Mali insurgency alone.
Given that the conflict in Mali might well develop into a crisis that will have gloomy implications for the whole European region, it is perplexing that only two European countries are militarily involved in the region. In this respect, Mr Lawrence comments that ?it is understandable when such EU member states as Spain and Greece free-ride on French and UK military strength; but when Germany allows itself to enjoy the benefits of being secure at a cost of its allies, something is definitely wrong. Berlin should stop being an external observer and start being an active partner?. All in all, it seems that the major task for Germany in the Mali crisis is to reconcile its reservations about foreign military interventions with its role of a responsible and reliable ally.
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